Costs from regulatory divergence likely to be at least as important as border costs in the long run, but not immediately 2/
A few thoughts on how Brexit is likely to affect the UK economy in 2021 - with the caveat that much remains uncertain 1/
Costs from regulatory divergence likely to be at least as important as border costs in the long run, but not immediately 2/
However, I do not anticipate shortages of essential goods, as imports can be expedited if needed, e.g. air freight, priority customs processing 3/
- Red tape, e.g. need for customs workers wastes resources & lowers productivity
wasting resources
- Tariffs (if no deal)
- Rules of origin (if deal)
- Lost market access for services
https://t.co/07wNehNn7z 5/
Fwiw I get told that economics and process considerations (haulage, logistics, manufacturing etc) play limited role in #brexit inner circle decision-making. Belief it\u2019ll be messy but business will adjust. Q is more short term political embarrassment. 2/2
— Peter Foster (@pmdfoster) December 13, 2020
Consumer price rises likely to be moderate (low single digits?) but will gradually erode living standards similar to post-referendum https://t.co/l7Zyegk7MZ 6/
Cost of living
— Thomas Sampson (@thom_sampson) June 22, 2020
Leave vote caused sterling to fall by around 10% raising import costs & consumer prices
Breinlich, Leromain, @DennisNovy & I estimate depreciation increased cost of living by 2.9% by Q2 2018, costing average household \xa3870 per yearhttps://t.co/FsI5enlGfk 4/
https://t.co/d2r6M1GlvB 7/
Which industries are most exposed to EU tariffs under no deal?
— Thomas Sampson (@thom_sampson) December 7, 2020
12 sectors (HS 4 digit) have exports to the EU above \xa3350 million & would face an average EU tariff (ad-valorem equivalent) of at least 10% under no deal
Motor vehicles, clothing, meat & dairy feature prominently
time passes. 8/
And, as the Bank of England has noted, monetary policy cannot offset the impact of a permanent negative supply shock 10/
costs to tax payers rather than solving underlying problem of higher trade costs 11/
https://t.co/2ZULlcIotu
Excellent @UKandEU report on implications of new deal. @anandMenon1 @jdportes @jillongovt: https://t.co/OV0XXk5ypk
Interesting @JohnSpringford @tomashirstecon piece on interactions between Brexit & Covid:
https://t.co/pgasjQHwzw
More from Brexit
Both the @ChathamHouse and @Policy_Exchange reports are excellent and leave a healthy tension to the UK foreign policy debate. I\u2019m left with two questions that won\u2019t go away. Is the first underestimating how the world has changed. Is the second overestimating Britain\u2019s capacity?
— Ben Judah (@b_judah) January 11, 2021
1. The two versions have a converging point: a tilt to the Indo-pacific doesn’t preclude a role as a convening power on global issues;
2. On the contrary, it underwrites the credibility for leadership on global issues, by seeking to strike two points:
A. Engaging with a part of the world in which world order and global issues are central to security, prosperity, and - not least - values;
B. Propelling the UK towards a more diversified set of economic, political, and security ties;
3. The tilt towards the Indo-Pacific whilst structurally based on a realist perception of the world, it is also deeply multilateral. Central to it is the notion of a Britain that is a convening power.
4. It is as a result a notion that stands on the ability to renew diplomacy;
5. It puts in relation to this a premium on under-utilised formats such as FPDA, 5Eyes, and indeed the Commonwealth - especially South Pacific islands;
6. It equally puts a premium on exploring new bilateral and multilateral formats. On former, Japan, Australia. On latter, Quad;
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