Donald Trump is leaving the White House within the hour. Re-reading his inaugural speech from four years ago, it’s clear the two words he wanted to define his presidency were “America first.” But the two words that ultimately did were “American carnage.” /1

Even the opening lines are a reminder of what his presidency cost us: “Every four years, we gather on these steps to carry out the orderly and peaceful transfer of power.” That tradition ended on Jan. 6. /2
(He also thanks President and First Lady Obama “for their gracious aid throughout this transition,” which suggests he can recognize grace, but not actually offer it.) /3
The speech was packed with familiar promises about rebuilding the military, bringing back jobs, boosting the economy, building the wall. Trump loved talking about infrastructure even then, though “Infrastructure Week” ended up as a punchline, not a program. /4
The promises were almost all broken. The unemployment rate is 2 points higher than when he took office, the stock market is up but the economy is weak, international alliances are frayed and America’s reputation is in tatters. /5
In his inaugural, Trump talked about how the U.S. stood ready “to free the Earth from the miseries of disease.” Instead, it has failed to even adequately respond to a pandemic that, in less than a year, has killed 400,000 Americans. /6
There is, though, one part of the speech that held true. Posing as a populist, Trump talked about returning power to “the people.” The people he imagined were his supporters, who *did* feel empowered: empowered to reject masks, empowered to storm the Capitol. /7
Violent far-right groups felt empowered, too. The threat of right-wing violence, which had grown during the Obama years, grew more visible and deadly in the Trump years. Some adopted Trump’s slogan, America First, and his banner. /8
But those who opposed Trump grew empowered, too. From the Women’s March that flooded DC with peaceful protesters the day after inauguration, to the rush to airports to stop the Muslim ban, to the Black Lives Matter uprisings, Americans organized in historic ways. /9
Civic participation, from protests to organizing to petitions, became a way of life for many Americans. An irony of the Trump years is that, while it saw existential threats to democracy, it was also a time of massive voter turnout and active participation in politics. /10
More Americans no doubt understand the importance of democracy now in a way they didn’t before. Of course, more Americans are skeptical of democracy than they were at the start of the Trump era. That’s one of the many challenges we face going forward. /11
Trump reoriented the axis of American politics from liberal vs. conservative to liberal vs. illiberal, pro-democracy vs. anti-democracy. That legacy will last long after he leaves the White House. /12
In his inaugural address, Trump used “American carnage” as a descriptor, an American wasteland he vowed to heal. Instead, “American carnage” turned out to be a promise, one of the few that, in the final hours of his presidency, he managed to fulfill. 13/13

More from Trump

1. Yes, Trump will claim to intend to target GOP senators up for reelection in '22 (like he did to Thune with Kristi Noem) if they don't join in @HawleyMO's sedition on Jan. 6, but the fact is, it's not clear whether Trump will be successful in ANY of those efforts & voting yes


2. to hedge off these threats will also create fissures & fractures for these incumbents among other elements of their party that could complicate their renominations. Indeed, what worries me the most about the potential for the country to slip into @anneapplebaum territory is

3. that what should be robust and intense push back from the party establishment against actually ending democracy- bc that's what Trump's request would do, if it was granted, is fairly muted. What we SHOULD be seeing from the mainstream of the party is threats to strip committee

4. assignments, chairs, privileges, even reelection funds, if anyone gets involved in this bullshit- in the House & the Senate, and the fact that you don't see it is more than a story of McConnell & McCarthy being afraid of Trump & his base. Its a story of receptivity, of the

5. level of receptivity the congressional and party leadership is dealing with both within the rank and file membership of the party and within its donor class, and THAT, my friends, is why you find me so concerned. That, and my decision to finally pull @anneapplebaum's book

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... other sources who have been trying to shine on light on this grifter (as I have tried to do, time and again:


Example #1: "Still not seeing Sweden signal versus Denmark really"... There it was (Images attached).
19 to 80 is an over 300% difference.

Tweet: https://t.co/36FnYnsRT9


Example #2 - "Yes, I'm comparing the Noridcs / No, you cannot compare the Nordics."

I wonder why...

Tweets: https://t.co/XLfoX4rpck / https://t.co/vjE1ctLU5x


Example #3 - "I'm only looking at what makes the data fit in my favour" a.k.a moving the goalposts.

Tweets: https://t.co/vcDpTu3qyj / https://t.co/CA3N6hC2Lq